Global Britain inquiry
Closed
What the inquiry looked at
“The Foreign Affairs Committee took evidence on the Government’s ‘Global Britain’ policy, how it might be implemented in practice and whether the Government, and the FCO in particular, has the resources available to deliver it. Report: Global Britain Report: Global Britain (PDF: 349KB) Government Response: Global Britain Government Response: Global Britain (PDF: 116KB) The Committee has sub-inquiries taking place around the topic of Global Britain: Global Britain: FCO skills The Western Balkans Global Britain and India Responsibility to protect and humanitarian intervention The Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s Human Rights Work The Commonwealth Summit”
The committee's words, from the inquiry page on parliament.uk ↗.
What it found
On 14 April 2018 the Government, with the US and France, conducted airstrikes in Syria in response to the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime. The legal basis for these airstrikes put forward by the Government was humanitarian intervention.
Humanitarian intervention allows proportionate and limited use of force where there is extreme humanitarian suffering and no practicable alternative. Whilst it has been used by the UK to justify use of force on a number of occasions, it is a contested concept in international law.
It was from the debate around humanitarian intervention that the concept of Responsibility to Protect was born in 2005. This proposed a collection of measures aimed at protecting civilian populations, including the use of force as a last resort and with UN Security Council approval. The current political climate within the UN Security Council has meant that collective action in Syria has not been authorised, with Russia using its veto in relation to proposed resolutions on Syria twelve times. As a result, the humanitarian situation in Syria remains desperate. An estimated 400,000 people have been killed, eleven million displaced and many more are living in untenable conditions, with fears that the situation in Idlib province may also deteriorate significantly in the near future.1 The Government must consider what more it can do to prevent humanitarian suffering from taking place on such scale in the future. Whilst we agree that this should include being able to rely on humanitarian intervention as a measure of last resort, the Government should also take further preventative measures to pre-empt and avert extreme humanitarian distress. This should include developing a cross-Government mass atrocity strategy that can help identify areas of high risk at an early stage with a range of measures to be taken in response, adopting and promoting the proposal made by the French government in 2013 for permanent members of the Security Council to refrain from use of the veto where there is credible evidence of genocide, and strengthening its stance on the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, setting out how it plans to limit the impact that these weapons have on civilians.
The international community’s failure to act and intervene meaningfully in Syria has created opportunities for the regime and other actors in the region to commit atrocity crimes, including the continued use of chemical weapons. The UK must bear its share of the responsibility for this and examine the repercussions of its decisions not to do more on its own and collectively. To this end we call on the Government to establish an independent inquiry into the decision-making processes that led to non-intervention in Syria, the recent airstrikes notwithstanding, and the lessons that can be learnt to prevent similar humanitarian crises happening in the future or to respond more effectively to such crises which may arise. It is clear from the catastrophe in Syria that when a state manifestly fails to protect its own citizens, non-intervention by the international community often results in appalling human suffering and widespread loss of civilian life.
Since June 2016, Government Ministers have repeatedly used the phrase ‘Global Britain’ to indicate the UK’s foreign policy ambitions. But Global Britain has not been precisely defined by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, which has also appeared reluctant to respond to our requests for basic information about the objectives of Global Britain and the resources to be devoted to it.
The time is right to take stock of the UK’s role in the world, not only in the light of domestic developments but also in the light of long-term changes in the international system and global balance of power. The UK has a wide range of attributes that have traditionally made it a global player, but it remains unclear what the Government believes the UK should do with these resources and assets in the post-Brexit environment, and how the UK should exercise leadership on the most urgent and complex issues facing the international system. For Global Britain to be more than a worthy aspiration, the slogan must be backed by substance. The FCO should place online, in one place, all the statements and speeches that Ministers have made about Global Britain, and all other Government documents in the public domain that set out what Global Britain means, translated into the world’s ten most-used languages.
If it comes to be perceived as a superficial branding exercise, it risks undermining UK interests by damaging our reputation overseas and eroding support for a global outlook here at home.
Over the coming year, the Committee will explore in detail the Government’s objectives for Global Britain and make recommendations. This initial report sets out a list of questions the Government will need to answer in setting a coherent strategic direction for UK foreign policy, covering its policy priorities, areas where the UK can have the greatest impact, the resources and infrastructure needed to support the Government’s aspirations, and metrics that can be used to measure success. We will address these questions in subsequent evidence sessions and reports.
What the government said
12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention
No government response is linked to this report.
6th Report - Global Britain
No government response is linked to this report.
How the inquiry ran
Each dot is a dated item listed on this page, from the inquiry's opening on 1 January 2018 to 16 August 2019.
- Oral evidence 4 sessions
- Report 2 reports
- Correspondence 16 Aug 2019
What it recommended 8 recommendations · 6 conclusions
1The time is right to take stock of the UK’s role in the world.
2For Global Britain to be more than a worthy aspiration, the slogan must be backed...
3For the UK to demonstrate genuine global leadership, its foreign policy requires coherent strategic direction,...
4The FCO should begin this process immediately by placing online, in one place, all the...
1Whilst noting the divisions in legal opinion around the concept of humanitarian intervention, we agree...
2The Government should provide further clarification and definition in setting out the general conditions for...
3Prevention will always be better than a response.
4In our first report of this session on the Violence in Rakhine State and the...
5We agree that the UNSC is the right authority to mandate collective use of force.
6The Government should commit to implementing France’s 2013 proposal to refrain from use of the...
7The airstrikes have shown, as one witness put it, that “when western Governments want to...
8Whilst international humanitarian law prohibits and regulates the use of weapons in conflict, the continued...
9There has been a manifest failure to protect civilians and to prevent mass atrocity crimes...
10While the cost, complexities and challenges of intervening have been well documented through previous inquiries,...
Evidence
Oral evidence sessions 4
- 15 May 2018No witnesses recordedparliament.uk ↗
- 27 Feb 2018No witnesses recordedparliament.uk ↗
- 6 Feb 2018No witnesses recordedparliament.uk ↗
- 30 Jan 2018No witnesses recordedparliament.uk ↗