Select committee inquiry

Global Britain inquiry

Closed

Foreign Affairs Committee · Opened 1 January 2018 · Closed 20 June 2018

8 recommendations · 6 conclusions
Inquiry on parliament.uk ↗

What the inquiry looked at

“The Foreign Affairs Committee took evidence on the Government’s ‘Global Britain’ policy, how it might be implemented in practice and whether the Government, and the FCO in particular, has the resources available to deliver it. Report: Global Britain Report: Global Britain (PDF: 349KB) Government Response: Global Britain Government Response: Global Britain (PDF: 116KB) The Committee has sub-inquiries taking place around the topic of Global Britain: Global Britain: FCO skills The Western Balkans Global Britain and India Responsibility to protect and humanitarian intervention The Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s Human Rights Work The Commonwealth Summit”

The committee's words, from the inquiry page on parliament.uk ↗.

What it found

In the committee's words, from the summary of 12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention ↗

On 14 April 2018 the Government, with the US and France, conducted airstrikes in Syria in response to the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime. The legal basis for these airstrikes put forward by the Government was humanitarian intervention.

Humanitarian intervention allows proportionate and limited use of force where there is extreme humanitarian suffering and no practicable alternative. Whilst it has been used by the UK to justify use of force on a number of occasions, it is a contested concept in international law.

It was from the debate around humanitarian intervention that the concept of Responsibility to Protect was born in 2005. This proposed a collection of measures aimed at protecting civilian populations, including the use of force as a last resort and with UN Security Council approval. The current political climate within the UN Security Council has meant that collective action in Syria has not been authorised, with Russia using its veto in relation to proposed resolutions on Syria twelve times. As a result, the humanitarian situation in Syria remains desperate. An estimated 400,000 people have been killed, eleven million displaced and many more are living in untenable conditions, with fears that the situation in Idlib province may also deteriorate significantly in the near future.1 The Government must consider what more it can do to prevent humanitarian suffering from taking place on such scale in the future. Whilst we agree that this should include being able to rely on humanitarian intervention as a measure of last resort, the Government should also take further preventative measures to pre-empt and avert extreme humanitarian distress. This should include developing a cross-Government mass atrocity strategy that can help identify areas of high risk at an early stage with a range of measures to be taken in response, adopting and promoting the proposal made by the French government in 2013 for permanent members of the Security Council to refrain from use of the veto where there is credible evidence of genocide, and strengthening its stance on the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, setting out how it plans to limit the impact that these weapons have on civilians.

The international community’s failure to act and intervene meaningfully in Syria has created opportunities for the regime and other actors in the region to commit atrocity crimes, including the continued use of chemical weapons. The UK must bear its share of the responsibility for this and examine the repercussions of its decisions not to do more on its own and collectively. To this end we call on the Government to establish an independent inquiry into the decision-making processes that led to non-intervention in Syria, the recent airstrikes notwithstanding, and the lessons that can be learnt to prevent similar humanitarian crises happening in the future or to respond more effectively to such crises which may arise. It is clear from the catastrophe in Syria that when a state manifestly fails to protect its own citizens, non-intervention by the international community often results in appalling human suffering and widespread loss of civilian life.

In the committee's words, from the summary of 6th Report - Global Britain ↗

Since June 2016, Government Ministers have repeatedly used the phrase ‘Global Britain’ to indicate the UK’s foreign policy ambitions. But Global Britain has not been precisely defined by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, which has also appeared reluctant to respond to our requests for basic information about the objectives of Global Britain and the resources to be devoted to it.

The time is right to take stock of the UK’s role in the world, not only in the light of domestic developments but also in the light of long-term changes in the international system and global balance of power. The UK has a wide range of attributes that have traditionally made it a global player, but it remains unclear what the Government believes the UK should do with these resources and assets in the post-Brexit environment, and how the UK should exercise leadership on the most urgent and complex issues facing the international system. For Global Britain to be more than a worthy aspiration, the slogan must be backed by substance. The FCO should place online, in one place, all the statements and speeches that Ministers have made about Global Britain, and all other Government documents in the public domain that set out what Global Britain means, translated into the world’s ten most-used languages.

If it comes to be perceived as a superficial branding exercise, it risks undermining UK interests by damaging our reputation overseas and eroding support for a global outlook here at home.

Over the coming year, the Committee will explore in detail the Government’s objectives for Global Britain and make recommendations. This initial report sets out a list of questions the Government will need to answer in setting a coherent strategic direction for UK foreign policy, covering its policy priorities, areas where the UK can have the greatest impact, the resources and infrastructure needed to support the Government’s aspirations, and metrics that can be used to measure success. We will address these questions in subsequent evidence sessions and reports.

What the government said

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

No government response is linked to this report.

6th Report - Global Britain

No government response is linked to this report.

How the inquiry ran

Each dot is a dated item listed on this page, from the inquiry's opening on 1 January 2018 to 16 August 2019.

  1. Oral evidence 4 sessions
  2. Report 2 reports
  3. Correspondence 16 Aug 2019

What it recommended 8 recommendations · 6 conclusions

1The time is right to take stock of the UK’s role in the world.

6th Report - Global Britain

Concluded (the committee's words)
The time is right to take stock of the UK’s role in the world. ‘Global Britain’ arose in response to the 2016 vote to leave the EU, but wider and longer-term changes in the international system and global balance of power pose more fundamental questions about the UK’s strategic position and orientation. Government Ministers often list the attributes that have traditionally made the UK a global player: it is a nuclear- armed P5 member of the United Nations Security Council, the second-biggest military spender in NATO, a major contributor to humanitarian aid around the world, and a key member of networks such as the Commonwealth, the G7 and the G20. But it remains unclear what the Government believes the UK should do with these resources and assets in the post-Brexit environment, and how the UK should exercise leadership on the most urgent and complex issues facing the international system.
2For Global Britain to be more than a worthy aspiration, the slogan must be backed...

6th Report - Global Britain

Recommended (the committee's words)
For Global Britain to be more than a worthy aspiration, the slogan must be backed by substance. The memorandum from the FCO does not amount to a strategy; it lists the Government’s aspirations but not the resources that it needs to achieve them. In addition to the essential requirement of a clear statement of objectives and priorities, the Government must commit sufficient resources to achieve its ambitions around the world—including reinforcing the FCO in Asia as well as in Europe. The Government’s failure to secure the election of a UK judge to the International Court of Justice in November 2017, as well as damaging UK influence, is clear evidence that the Government needs to work harder and do more to deliver on its promise to strengthen the rules-based international order. If Global Britain comes to be perceived as a superficial branding exercise, it risks undermining UK interests by damaging our reputation overseas and eroding support for a global outlook here at home. The success of the Government’s ‘Great Britain’ campaign should inform the FCO on how the Global Britain policy should be developed, marketed, and utilised across the FCO network and with our international partners.
3For the UK to demonstrate genuine global leadership, its foreign policy requires coherent strategic direction,...

6th Report - Global Britain

Recommended (the committee's words)
For the UK to demonstrate genuine global leadership, its foreign policy requires coherent strategic direction, supported by adequate resources. This should be based on a clear-eyed assessment of the UK’s interests and position in the world. In conducting such an assessment, the Government will need to go further than its memorandum. By the end of that process, it must be able to answer the following questions: • What does the UK want to achieve in the world? • What is the UK’s unique selling point as a global player, and what do other countries want from the UK? • What bilateral and multilateral relationships and institutions should the UK prioritise? • On what global issues can the UK have the biggest impact and exercise the most leverage? • What does Global Britain mean to the people of the UK, and how might a ‘truly global’ foreign policy benefit them? 18 Global Britain • What policy-making infrastructure and what resources are needed across Whitehall to realise the Government’s global aspirations, and what specific role should the FCO play in this? • What metrics can be used to measure the success of Global Britain? The answers to these questions should be made public so that the British people and others can know what the Government intends by Global Britain, and so that our allies and friends can support and partner with us effectively. The Committee believes that it is only if we can be clear about our strategic foreign policy objectives that we can ensure our ongoing strength on the international field. We also note that although previous Prime Ministers have not only come to the House to make statements and answer questions, they have formerly given keynote speeches on foreign affairs in Parliament. We urge the Prime Minister to make a keynote speech to the House, setting out as a matter of priority the strategic thinking behind our foreign policy and the objectives we are seeking to achieve as a nation.
4The FCO should begin this process immediately by placing online, in one place, all the...

6th Report - Global Britain

Concluded (the committee's words)
The FCO should begin this process immediately by placing online, in one place, all the statements and speeches that Ministers have made about Global Britain, and all other Government documents in the public domain that set out what Global Britain means, translated into the world’s ten most-used languages. This website should be highlighted prominently on the FCO’s landing page, allowing both the UK public and audiences overseas to read for themselves the Government’s current stated approach to Global Britain.
1Whilst noting the divisions in legal opinion around the concept of humanitarian intervention, we agree...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Concluded (the committee's words)
Whilst noting the divisions in legal opinion around the concept of humanitarian intervention, we agree that it seems unlikely the creators of the UN Charter would have expected that the prohibition on the use of force would be applied in a way that prevented states from protecting civilian populations and stopping mass atrocities. We therefore believe that under specific circumstances, proportionate and necessary force should be available to be used as a last resort to alleviate extreme humanitarian distress on a large scale. The absence of humanitarian intervention as a final recourse could result in the paralysis of the international system and a failure to act, resulting in grave consequences for civilian populations.
2The Government should provide further clarification and definition in setting out the general conditions for...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Recommended (the committee's words)
The Government should provide further clarification and definition in setting out the general conditions for when a humanitarian intervention can take place. The published legal opinion in relation to the April 2018 airstrikes refers, for example, to “an exceptional basis”, “overwhelming humanitarian suffering”, and “convincing evidence”, but the parameters of what these terms mean are not sufficiently clear and therefore risk being misused and misapplied, as has been argued by some in relation to the humanitarian intervention in Libya. In its response to this report the FCO should set out with greater precision the definitions of these terms and how they are applied when determining whether or not a humanitarian intervention is required. Whilst we accept that clarity is difficult in inherently complex conflict situations and that no definition will cover each and every circumstance, definitions can help to ensure that humanitarian intervention is undertaken in future for the right reasons and in the appropriate situations.
3Prevention will always be better than a response.

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Recommended (the committee's words)
Prevention will always be better than a response. The Government should be doing all it can do to prevent atrocities from occurring in the first place. The obvious and driving impetus for this is the lives saved. As the situation in Syria has illustrated in the most devastating of ways, waiting to respond to crises means that it will inevitably be too late for some, or in this case many. Successfully preventing atrocities also has domestic implications such as reducing the likelihood of the need to deploy the armed forces and contributing to achieving national security objectives.
4In our first report of this session on the Violence in Rakhine State and the...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Recommended (the committee's words)
In our first report of this session on the Violence in Rakhine State and the UK’s response we called on the Government to prioritise atrocity prevention in political and diplomatic conversations. Everything we have heard as part of this inquiry has strengthened our belief that an atrocity prevention strategy is now more vital than ever. The Government needs to act urgently to produce a comprehensive atrocity prevention strategy and implementation plan to ensure it moves beyond words and towards concrete actions. Such a strategy would benefit from consultation and we call on the Government to produce a draft strategy for consultation by April 2019.
5We agree that the UNSC is the right authority to mandate collective use of force.

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Concluded (the committee's words)
We agree that the UNSC is the right authority to mandate collective use of force. However, we believe that the P5 states, in holding a right to veto, have a responsibility to ensure that the narrow interests of a few do not stand in the way of protecting the many. It is an abuse of the moral responsibility entrusted to the permanent Security Council members to block action sought to prevent or alleviate suffering from mass atrocities. Just as there are risks to undermining the authority of the UNSC through invoking the ‘Uniting for Peace’ resolution, so there are similar risks if the UNSC fails to respond when a state is perpetrating mass atrocities against its own citizens.
6The Government should commit to implementing France’s 2013 proposal to refrain from use of the...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Recommended (the committee's words)
The Government should commit to implementing France’s 2013 proposal to refrain from use of the veto where there is credible evidence of genocide and it should encourage other P5 members to do the same. The Government should explain how it intends to encourage P5 members to commit to this proposal and, if other members fail to adopt voluntarily the French proposal, how it intends to work with those states to secure this commitment.
7The airstrikes have shown, as one witness put it, that “when western Governments want to...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Concluded (the committee's words)
The airstrikes have shown, as one witness put it, that “when western Governments want to act, they can act.” Whilst the Committee notes the action taken by the UK Government in responding to the chemical weapons attacks in Douma, we are concerned that the Government has responded only to chemical weapons attacks rather than conventional weapons attacks and other grave breaches of international humanitarian law, which have caused many more deaths and injuries. In so doing the Government risks creating what has been described to us as a “hierarchy of atrocities”.
8Whilst international humanitarian law prohibits and regulates the use of weapons in conflict, the continued...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Recommended (the committee's words)
Whilst international humanitarian law prohibits and regulates the use of weapons in conflict, the continued flouting of those laws in Syria by the regime and other actors suggests that more needs to be done to bolster and strengthen the application of those rules in order to protect civilians. The Government should update its protection of civilians in armed conflict strategy to include a focus on the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. As part of that strategy the Government should set out the measures it is taking to reduce the impact of these weapons on civilians and on the essential services that civilians rely on, such as healthcare facilities.
9There has been a manifest failure to protect civilians and to prevent mass atrocity crimes...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Concluded (the committee's words)
There has been a manifest failure to protect civilians and to prevent mass atrocity crimes in Syria. This failure has gone beyond the heavy toll paid by the Syrian people to the surrounding region, and had repercussions in Europe and the UK. It is the Committee’s view that this failure derives principally not from the actions taken by the international community but inaction. Whilst we recognise the UK’s significant contribution to the humanitarian effort in Syria and its support of other mitigating measures, the failure to intervene has had severe consequences and is about political engagement and will. The international community’s inaction created an opportunity for others, particularly Russia and Iran, to intervene, changing the politics of the conflict in Syria.
10While the cost, complexities and challenges of intervening have been well documented through previous inquiries,...

12th Report - Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention

Recommended (the committee's words)
While the cost, complexities and challenges of intervening have been well documented through previous inquiries, such as the Iraq Inquiry, the consequences of not acting 20 Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention are less well understood. We believe that the consequences of inaction can be every bit as serious as intervening. The decision not to intervene in Syria has had very real consequences for Syrians, their neighbours, the UK and our allies. We believe the Government needs to understand the role the UK’s inaction has had and learn the lessons from it for the future. Whilst the Committee agrees with the Foreign Secretary that the UK has remained engaged in Syria throughout the conflict, this engagement has focussed more on measures that respond to crises, rather than proactive measures that prevent them. It remains our view that the Government should establish an independent inquiry into the decision-making processes leading to, and the consequences of, non-intervention.

Evidence

Oral evidence sessions 4

Correspondence 1 letter